State of Broadcasting and
Digital Migration in the Region

https://zimbabwe.misa.org

Africa, but also with analogue TV – is a solution
in search of a problem.”14

Such a focus broadened the scope of this position
paper so that the question is not only about how
digital migration would help the advancement of
the right of access to information and freedom
of information in SADC and Zimbabwe, but
also a question of whether this right was in fact
being fulfilled during the analogue period. Thus,
digital migration is not the magic wand; human
behaviour before and after digital migration is.
But such observations could not be made without
research, hence, the key informant interviews
that anchor this position paper.

Another argument that has been offered in
favour of digital migration has to do with what
is called signal swamping, which basically is
cross-border interference of signals. The question
posed then is if that is a serious problem in
Africa t o warrant a digital migration cut-off
date of 2015 as initially set by ITU, why is it that
five years later many African countries are still
lagging behind in terms of digital migration
and there does not seem to be any serious issue
with that? In fact, millions of African citizens
are yet to receive analogue television signals.
Then there are others who receive spill-over
signals without receiving their own countries’
signals, or those who welcome spill-over signals as
alternatives to their countries’ tightly controlled
broadcasting. The spill-over content itself may
not provide much of a choice. Their right to
accessing information is yet to be remotely
fulfilled. This is probably why many African
countries have assumed a lackadaisical approach
to digital migration, or have pointed at Africa’s
perennial problem of funding constraints. This
means that the question of rights may be too
advanced in such a scenario and may need to
be problematised.
The question therefore, is, what is the place
of rights in this scramble from analogue to
digital, a scramble which is largely a response
to this digital hype and not really because of a
serious obligation to do so on the part of African
countries?
The fulfilment of the right of access to
information and freedom of information may
not depend entirely on digital migration but on
other factors.

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It is also obvious that what digital television
portends is an enhancement of people’s digital
behaviour. Because there is more content which
people can interact with, they have the ability to
choose. Which means the choice of what they can
actually watch is not channelled from the supply
side. They cease being passive recipients and
become interactive consumers of content. As
they receive content from television, they can
personalise it, add more to it, and send it out to
others. This means the consumer is also playing
the role of having freedom to create information
and pass it on. Thus, digital migration should also
be understood in the context of the complete
digital world itself (not just television) where
television content can be re-created, edited and
sent. Thus, in terms of this whole digital world,
what have been the experiences of Africans so
far? Have their governments allowed access
to information and freedom of information?
Will digital migration improve the relationship
between Zimbabweans and their government?
All these questions were important to consider
to bring awareness of what is at stake in the
context of digital migration and the way the
interview questions were supposed to be phrased
and couched.

G. Berger, 2010. Challenges and Perspectives of Digital Migration for African Media. Dakar: Panos Institute of West Africa, p.

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