SECTOR 4 of personalisation, which leads to the divisions and fragmentation experienced among media houses.” Employers also have a role to play in SNAJ’s history as they have tended not to be supportive or interested in the union. Some panellists felt that the Times has a “divide-and-rule strategy and there is victimisation of union members. They don’t really want their staff to be union members”. In some cases the publication has apparently even enticed individual journalists away from union membership with the “dangling carrot” of increased packages. “A large part of it is a lack of understanding of the collective power of a union.” The Media Women’s Association of Swaziland has also become defunct for similar reasons to SNAJ. Scores: Individual scores: 1 Country does not meet indicator 2 Country meets only a few aspects of indicator 3 Country meets some aspects of indicator 4 Country meets most aspects of indicator 5 Country meets all aspects of the indicator Average score: 1.5 (2005: 3.0; 2007: 3.6; 2009: 2.6; 2011: 2.2) 4.5 Journalists and media houses have integrity and are not corrupt. Rumours of corruption within the Swazi media abound, to the extent that MISA recently organised a general discussion between civil society and media practitioners on “yellow” journalism, allegations of bribery and manipulation through corrupt behaviour. The aim was for both sides to better understand one another and to minimise the practice of corruption. “There is corruption in the media. And journalists need to be assisted to resist all kinds of pressure, especially from political sources.” While there was consensus that there are many ethical journalists in both the print and electronic media who write dependable and fair copy, there are also those “rotten eggs” who will accept bribes to write favourable copy, not publish something in particular, or even demand money for such purposes. AFRICAN MEDIA BAROMETER Swaziland 2014 61