The constitution has established a semiauthoritarian regime in which the president holds significant decision-making power. reject a judge. He appoints heads of oversight institutions who do not have security of tenure as these heads can be removed without explanation. Moreover, the judiciary is increasingly politicised, and oversight institutions and security organs are firmly under the president’s control. Media freedom Despite this facade of openness, media freedom faces significant challenges, mirroring the broader political climate. Despite being regarded as one of Africa’s most stable democracies, Botswana has been ruled by a single party since 1966. The use of threats comes in both subtle and direct forms — such as the withholding of advertising, which has proven to be a coercive tactic in bringing “errant” media outlets into compliance. As a result there is little incentive for the ruling party to respond to the needs and concerns of the populace. Media freedom continues to face challenges, as highlighted by Freedom House. The level of freedom of expression and civil society often reflects the stance of the current administration. Consequently, many resort to self-censorship to sustain their viability and operations. This has led to a decimation in quality, alongside a decline in trust in the media, as well as a surge in fake news and a reduction in audience engagement. While there appears to be some improvement compared to Ian Khama’s administration, his successor, President Mokgweetsi Masisi’s initiatives often lack substantive action on the ground, serving more as window dressing. The political and media landscape Likewise President Masisi has paid lip service to safeguarding the security of journalists, so they still face intimidation and harassment from the country’s domestic and international intelligence agency, the Directorate of Intelligence and Security (DIS). At first glance, Botswana stands as an oasis of political stability and economic prosperity within the African continent, garnering praise from the 2022 Ibrahim Index of African Governance report for its “democratic traditions.” President Masisi, had promised that under his leadership, the DIS would embrace transparency while Peter Magosi, the director general of the DIS and successor to the founding director, had guaranteed that the intelligence organisation would shift away from its tendency to detain journalists. However, beneath this veneer of success lies the nuanced reality, characterised by a large percentage of the citizenry still living below the poverty datum line with little prospect for accumulating wealth. This is exacerbated by lack of citizen participation in the political and economic spheres. Two years later, DIS agents raided Mmegi, a local newspaper’s offices, arrested its editor and a reporter while thy were working on a story and seized their electronic equipment, including mobile phones. “Barriers to political participation include the first past the post electoral system, political party funding structures and a fragmented opposition, all of which have helped to entrench the ruling party’s hegemony.” According to the outlet, one of the officers said: “I am a warrant (of arrest) myself”, when asked for a warrant during the raid. What is often overlooked is the automatic succession system in which the vice president takes over from the president after the end of a mandatory two terms in office and this has the detrimental effect of fostering paternalistic politics. The arrests of journalists on vague charges not only violates the principle of freedom of expression, but also risks worsening an already adversarial relationship between the government and the media. The constitution gives the president sweeping powers and the incumbent may ignore advice from the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) and STATE OF PRESS FREEDOM IN SOUTHERN AFRICA 2023 Botswana’s corruption watchdog, the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC), sometimes also arrests journalists 26