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they are unable to generate advertising
revenue – the lifeblood of any newspaper.
Adding to the woes, the Swazi print
media suffered a setback when sole proprietor of the only vernacular newspaper Vuka Ngwane, Bonisile Mncina, died
mid-year. Her newspaper was targeting readers in the remote rural areas in
the country’s four regions. Barely five
years into the market, Vuka Ngwane
was forced to close down after Mncina’s
death. Constantly marginalised by the
profit-driven English-language newspapers, a bulk of the SiSwati populace in
the rural areas has limited access to print
media. (Broadcast media, particularly radio, has a more reach and influence in
rural areas).
Little has changed in the broadcast
media. The Swaziland Broadcasting and
Information Services (SBIS), which controls radio, and Swaziland Television
Broadcasting Corporation (STBC), television, remain the two dominant players –
the two only players, really. They operate
with public funds, yet they remain state
broadcasters instead of public service
broadcasters. Government has invoked
Public Service Announcement (PSA)
guidelines to prevent citizens from airing their views via these state broadcasters. There is one other radio station, the
Voice of the Church (VOC), airing mostly
religious programmes. And there is a private television station, Channel Swazi,
which is on and off air due to financial
challenges. Neither of these independent broadcasters dare to question the
country’s ruling elite or report on them
in anything but positive terms.



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In optimistic and laudable readiness
for the passage of the Swaziland Communications Bill of 2010, which might
free up the airwaves, the unlicensed
community radio stations have formed
a Community Radio Network to speak
with one voice. They are the Lubombo
Community Radio, Matsanjeni Community Radio and Ngwempisi Community
Radio.

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Swaziland does not have an Access
to Information Law. Naturally, this curtails the free flow of information. When
the media, whose raison d’être is to disseminate information, requests information from either government or business;
it finds itself shoved from pillar to post.
Even the popular monthly breakfast
media briefings organised by the public
and private sector have not helped the
situation. Industry captains and senior
government officials simply use them
to share selective information with the
media practitioners. A good example
being an apology demanded by Martin
Dlamini, governor of the Central Bank of
Swaziland, from the media after a one
and half days media briefing with all the
editors from the media meetings.
Using clandestine methods to curry
favour with the media, big corporations dole out freebies to the editors
and journalists. True to the saying ‘there
is no such things as a free lunch’ these
freebies tend to compromise editorial
independence of the media; not to mention Article 3(1) of the journalists’ code
of ethics: “Journalists should not accept

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