Sector 1: Freedom of expression, including freedom of the media, are effectively protected and promoted. 1.1. Freedom of expression, including freedom of the media, is guaranteed in the constitution and protected by other pieces of legislation. ANALYSIS: While freedom of expression is enshrined in the constitution, there is a lack of complementary legal tools that can in practice guarantee freedom of expression. During the 2004 electoral campaign, for example, some citizens in Angoche, in the northern province of Nampula, expressed an opinion deemed to be unfavourable to then President Joaquim Chissano, and were subsequently detained. The prosecutor insisted they had defamed the Head of State. Journalists are also systematically denied access to information, which by extension means that newspapers or broadcasters are not able to tell the full story. The gap between theory and practise can further be exemplified by cases of interference by district administrators into the affairs of community radios. A community radio professional was fired by an administrator in a district in the central province of Zambézia. The journalist’s ‘fault’ was to have reported that government vehicles were being used for personal purposes. He was removed from his position and demoted to a menial position. Community radio stations are more open to abuse of power and thus curtailing of freedom of expression because most of their staff are not mainstream journalists and inevitably the authorities have more overt leverage in districts than in towns. Community broadcasters are usually teachers paid by the state. Another example is the municipality of Nacala, where a community radio was set up when Frelimo was in power. The station was launched without a licence from Gabinfo (the state body that issues licences for new media outlets). However, it was left to operate as long as it was not considered to be broadcasting information contrary to the interests of the ruling party. When Renamo won the following municipal elections, wresting power away from Frelimo, the station was then seen to be pro-Renamo and subsequently ordered to close because it did not have a licence. Another example are incidents of editors-in-chief of provincial bureaux of Radio Mozambique who were transferred during elections to give way to professionals from the capital Maputo to come and run the stations. This was not because the provincial editors-in-chief were unable to discharge their duties, but was rather motivated by the objective of controlling the flow of information. The message is quite clear: the country is still not prepared to countenance different points of view. SCORES: Individual scores: Average score: So This Is Democracy? 2005 2, 2, 3, 2, 3, 3, 2, 2, 4 2.6 -208- Media Institute of Southern Africa