50 was never seen again. The Mozambican state has still not taken steps or explained this case. Furthermore, human rights defenders and those who raise their voices to denounce the serious humanitarian situation in Cabo Delgado, have been victims of harassment. In 2015, the scandal of the illegal indebtedness, later known as the “hidden debts”, became public knowledge through the international press revealing that the government had contracted heavy debts without prior consultation with parliament, and in violation of the norms of budgeting and of contracting debt. (84) One of the causes of the attack against press freedoms is the fact that the media, particularly the independent newspapers (Savana and Canal de Moçambique) which triggered the issue, put it on the agenda, and pushed for society to become aware and debate this case. Editor and journalist Lazaro Mabunda explained that after discovery of the hidden debts, “the political system has become more nervous and aggressive and does not want people to talk about the debts and make contradicting proposals.” (85) Mozambique has been recording falls in the main indicators that measure the quality of democracy since February 2015. As of 2019, the country has become an authoritarian country, according to the Democracy Index of Freedom House (2019). (86) Authoritarianism cannot be dissociated from the environment of corruption, discussed above in the case of the “hidden debts”, because where acts of corruption and organised crime are predominant, there is always a tendency to radicalise the actors involved. IMPACT OF THE PANDEMIC The first announcement and the State of Emergency Decree published by the state were proof of the leaning towards authoritarianism, dictatorship and control over the media. In Law 1/2020 of 31 March, which established the State of Emergency, the press was not regarded as an essential service. The same law imposed restrictions and made it obligatory for the media to use solely official sources on Covid-19. (87) Article 27, paragraph 5 of the law states: “during the State of Emergency mass media which express information on Covid-19 contrary to the official information, are sanctioned”. Direct incidents of abuse of power and of authority have happened since the declaration of the state of emergency, in which journalists were victims of violations and arbitrary detentions. In the city of Beira, two journalists were victims of a trap staged by a local businessman, who accused them of violating the State of Emergency. The reporters were eventually not charged for lack of evidence. (88) In the context of the pandemic, three national newspapers have since declared they were interrupting distribution of printed newspapers to rely on digital versions. Many media companies, including private television stations, had to reduce the size of their staff, and sack some of their workers. POLITICAL CONTROL OF THE MEDIA In Mozambique journalists work in an environment undermined through various forms of pressure, kidnapping, intimidation and violence. Many of the forms of pressure on journalists result from political and economic control and lawsuits against the media. Political control in the public sector media, Radio Mozambique (RM) and Television of Mozambique (TVM), has been achieved through the appointments by the government of the chairpersons of their boards of directors, and with a strong influence of the dominant party, Frelimo. Generally, political debate programmes on public radio and television have problems with lack of pluralism and balance, and are dominated by individuals connected to the ruling party. On the few occasions that members of opposition parties participate, they are stigmatised. Since the Mozambican media depend heavily on advertising, and the advertising companies are mainly owned by a business sector controlled by agents linked to the ruling party, the most common way to control the independent media is through advertising restrictions. Furthermore, the state does not offer any kind of incentive or protection for the media industry. ACCESS TO INFORMATION Even with a freedom of information law, passed in December 2014, the level of openness of institutions towards providing information remain very low. (89) Because of a dominant authoritarian culture and corruption, official sources of information remain closed to journalists, and many requests for information have not been