However, analysts have argued that this statistic is a façade as it mostly speaks to the availability of internet network and not the percentage of the country that can afford a connection.(8) However, statistics by the government regulator show that 34 percent of internet traffic in Zimbabwe is mainly for accessing instant messaging platform WhatsApp. This provides fertile ground for information disorders as people who rely only on WhatsApp for their news have no way of verifying what they consume.(9) Among the major challenges are the creation of information bubbles and echo chambers as well as the spread of misinformation and disinformation. While there should be unlimited access to online services, there have been instances of internet throttling in Zimbabwe to prevent access to live streaming services. This is a common threat during election periods which tilts the playing field against opposition actors who have less control of the media.(10) SAFETY OF JOURNALISTS Zimbabwe’s elections are often highly charged and this often translates to violence. In 2022, the country held by-elections in a number of constituencies and as has become the norm, there was an upsurge in media violations. To put this in perspective, in 2021, which was not an elective year, media rights advocacy group, the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) Zimbabwe Chapter recorded 21 cases where journalists were attacked. In 2022, this number jumped by more than 70 percent to 37 cases. With a general election due in the second half of the year, there is a real likelihood that there will be an escalation of attacks against journalists. One of the prominent cases saw AMH journalists Chengeto Chidi and Blessed Mhlanga being arrested for allegedly taking pictures within a polling station. While it might look like the authorities are acting within the spirit of the law, such arrests and court processes — which hardly ever lead to convictions — have the effect of promoting self-censorship. This is detrimental to the goals of access to information. In 2022, at least four journalists were arrested for contravening provisions of the Cyber and Data Protection Act. The state is yet to prosecute any case using that particular law, but the number of arrests could also induce self-censorship among journalists. With the internet increasingly becoming ubiquitous, there are real fears that more journalists and citizens could be arrested. Media advocacy groups argue that Section 164C of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act, as amended through the Cyber and Data Protection Act, which relates to publishing false data messages intending to cause harm fails to meet the three-pronged test, which requires legality, proportionality and necessity. SURVEILLANCE AND PRIVACY OF ONLINE COMMUNICATIONS Zimbabwe was named as one of the three Southern African countries that obtained surveillance equipment from an Israeli firm. The government has not been transparent or accountable in how it has deployed that surveillance equipment.(11) In 2021, the Minister of Information, Publicity and Broadcasting Services, Monica Mutsvangwa intimated that the government had set up teams to monitor what people receive and send online, a clear indication of the pervasiveness of surveillance online.(12) With elections due later in 2023, the governing Zanu PF party has been sending unsolicited messages to Zimbabweans canvassing for their votes. They were detained and arraigned before the courts. They also had their equipment destroyed during their arrest. This is an indication that the party has access to registered voters’ biometric data and this could be in contravention of the Cyber and Data Protection Act. The two were eventually acquitted, but the court process was energy sapping and costly. The Post and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority – which is the data authority – is yet 69