State of the media in Southern Africa - 2003 South Africa by Guy Berger Guy Berger is Professor and Head of Department of Journalism and Media Studies, Rhodes University, South Africa. S outh African media operate in a relatively free legal environment, but 2003 still saw numerous challenges to journalists’ ability to play a truly democratic role. Starting with politics, alleged top-level corruption in South Africa’s arms deals saw much coverage around these matters. In a climate of continuous leaks and smears, President Thabo Mbeki subsequently appointed the Hefer Commission which in turn yielded fascinating insights into political agendas and their relation to the media. In a context where the ruling establishment was factionalised, a pluralistic media ensured that diverse voices - both within and without power found places to be published freely, even if too often without professional scrutiny. Such robust coverage continued despite many angry complaints by the politicians receiving a bad press. National government-media relations, however, were cordial, although media bodies upbraided the Department of Foreign Affairs for its deafening silence on the banning of the Daily News in Zimbabwe. Between the legislature and the press, a compromise was eventually brokered over contested attempts by the Speaker to relocate parliamentary correspondents to offices further away from the debating chambers. President Mbeki critically engaged journalists at the “All-Africa Editors Conference” convened in Johannesburg by the SA National Editors Forum (SANEF). Delegates accepted his attacks on reporters’ ignorance of Africa and the African Union. They responded, however, that he could do a lot more himself, and not only put the onus on them to hold their governments to commitments to free speech as entailed by membership of the African Union. The Presidential Press Corps was constituted in April, aiming to improve information flows between the presidency and the media. Mbeki said at the time his administration was not trying to embed journalists with the state. Journalists assigned to the Corps have expressed awareness of potential pitfalls of the body. SANEF held meetings between editors and three provincial governments in order to improve regional understanding and interaction, but the forum rejected a proposal by Limpopo Province for a government-media press club. In September, the Mpumalanga government paid for an advertisement in City Press stating “freedom of the press has become a licence to kill.” The text accused journalists of having hidden agendas, and claimed the media was trying to “send every black official to jail, including the President himself.” In the province itself, only continued pressure by the African Eye News Service eventually revived a police investigation into intimidation of their reporters. At local government level, a Kimberley city councilor threatened to bar the media from council meetings after publication of details of staff debt described in a council agenda. However, an encouraging development in Kwazulu-Natal saw a government official fined ZAR1000 for intimidating a journalist on the Vryheid Herald. As regards the general legislative environment, the Interception and Monitoring Act of 2002 was still not put into force, although when it does it could enable monitoring of journalists’ communications by state or employers under certain conditions. Media advocacy and human So This Is Democracy? 2003 71 Media Institute of Southern Africa