English Institutions still did not have organisational structures that allowed for a more flexible and simplified exchange of information with the public. For example, although many had web pages, they did not contain relevant information for citizens, and also, few had a regular update routine, which meant that they were not relevant to the flow of and access to information. MEDIA AND ELECTIONS In the year under review, Mozambique began an electoral cycle (municipal elections in 2018 and general elections in 2019). The electoral periods have proven to be troubled moments for media houses. First, because in these periods the press, including journalists themselves, are often controlled and silenced by the ruling party, through funds from state institutions, both in advertising and in other forms of financing. Second, there is always a tendency to threaten journalists and their relatively independent media houses and to lump them together with the opposition and with the ‘hand of outsiders’ just because they do not appear to be in agreement with the incumbent political party. JOURNALIST SAFETY In the year 2017, more than 20 cases of violations of press freedom were recorded, most of which consisted of threats and intimidation, confiscation of work equipment and assaults. During the reporting period, four cases of assault and two cases of confiscation of work equipment and several cases of threats and intimidation were reported (see below section on violations and victories). 64 So This is Democracy? 2017 FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION ONLINE As of January 2017, Mozambique had a law on electronic transactions. Although not directly, this law was seen by many as an instrument to control and intimidate critics, as it provides for criminal accountability of people who circulate offensive messages.5 Article 18(d) of the Electronic Transactions Act (Law 3/2017, of 9 January) establishes that it is the responsibility of the intermediary provider to “identify users who transmit or store data with offensive content, using the communication service with unidentified sender”. According to this law, all information presented in the form of electronic messages has a probative value for the purposes of holding the authors accountable. The law has not yet been regulated, hence the types of content that are considered offensive have not yet been defined. Even with the law having come into effect, its impact has not yet been felt. Social networks, namely Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter, Instagram and others, remain the main personal means of communication and the instruments of social mobilisation in Mozambique. There is to date no publicly known record of citizens being held criminally accountable for circulating electronic messages deemed to be offensive. The law can have a chilling effect since the flow of messages becomes heavily monitored for the purposes of holding 5 Ver @Verdade (2014), acessível em http://www. verdade.co.mz/destaques/democracia/45220governo-quer-criminalizar-smss-e-e-mails-insultuosos e Global Voices (2016), disponível em https:// pt.globalvoices.org/2016/11/30/mocambiqueinternautas-desconfiam-do-verdadeiro-propositoda-nova-lei-sobre-transacoes-eletronicas/