W

ith the year 2007 being the final year in office for President Festus Mogae with Ian Khama
waiting in line to take over the reigns, Botswana found herself gripped by an undercurrent of anxiety and uncertainty over the probability of impending transitional consequences
come March 2008. A socio-political atmosphere characterised by abundant speculation and
persistent doubt that did not often exclude fear prevailed. At the heart of these whisperings
were questions like:
• would Mogae’s power handover signal an end to civilian rule as Botswana had
come to know it?
• would it mean the beginning of military rule draped in democratic robes?
• would it herald an era of an overtly repressive regime?
The rushed nature in which the Intelligence and Security Services Bill was enacted exacerbated
the situation and caused a stir particularly within the media fraternity and in politico-academic
circles.

Media-Government Relationship
While the African Media Barometer: Botswana 2007 report records that the Government of
Botswana had become more receptive to ideas from the private media, there were a number of
instances where relations between the Government and the fourth estate became rather tense.
The first was when MISA and the Botswana Civil Society Coalition for Zimbabwe (BOCISCOZ) proactively pressurised the Government to engage Zimbabwe in talks on account of the
latter’s crises. There was some stress, but the Botswana Government subsequently succumbed
to the pressure and issued “a very strong statement” and even convened an emergency meeting
to deliberate on the issue.
Secondly, the Ministry of Labour and Home Affairs decided to blacklist some foreign journalists, academics, and rights activists from Australia, the United States, and Canada allegedly
on account of their addressing the Central Kalahari Game Reserve issue in their speeches or
writings. Subsequent to this incidence the state media was instructed not to publish anything
on or by Survival International without a freshly crafted response from the government. The
incidents are thus an example of censorship and intimidation of media practitioners by the
government. They also showed intolerance of criticism by the media, especially if the media
activists happened to be of foreign origin.
The introduction of the Intelligence and Security Services Act further strained the media-government relationship. Should this piece of legislation be abused, the media would be among some
of the sectors at the receiving end. MISA, the civil society, and other watchdog organisations in
the country waged a futile struggle to resist this law; their main concern being that the law was
being enacted “without accountability mechanisms and access to information legislation”.

Legislative Environment
The Intelligence and Security Services Act is one of the most controversial media laws to be
passed by Botswana’s National Assembly. While the importance of, and need for comprehensive security legislation is acknowledged, it is feared that the law has loopholes, which could
be easily abused as the bill was rushed through Parliament without proper consultation. The
law vests a lot of power to the Head of State, which factor stands in conflict with the ideals of
democracy. It is anticipated that the violation of democratic rights might become Botswana’s
new tune for the future because of the hurried enactment of this law. Opposition parties, media

So This Is Democracy? 2007

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Media Institute of Southern Africa

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