song about Mugabe. In terms of access to information, the Government maintained its iron curtain around the official records in 2007. However, the private press did not give up and continued to ‘dig out’ information. President Mugabe and his officials’ often-angry complaints that some politicians and civil servants were leaking classified information to newspapers demonstrated the media’s success in this regard. Documents to hand also show that Mugabe further complained at a politburo meeting on September 5, 2007, about the Zimbabwe Independent’s stories which he said were leaked by top officials. Mugabe was supported by his Science and Technology Minister Olivia Muchena. Until 2000 broadcasting in Zimbabwe was legally a state monopoly. Although the courts have struck down the Government’s broadcasting monopoly, the state has managed to block prospective private broadcasters through the BSA’s stringent licensing provisions thus maintaining a de facto monopoly through ZBC. The Government controls the only TV channel and four radio stations and as a result the electronic media continues to act as Zanu PF and state propaganda mouthpieces. ZBC’s monopoly is currently under challenge by Manala (Pvt) Ltd owned by Nbabenhle Mabhena, an entrepreneur who wants to venture into broadcasting. The Minister of Information Dr Ndlovu said the Government would invite new applications by the end of 2007 but nothing happened. Since 2000 the Government has rejected many applications for TV and radio licences. Another heavy blow to the media was the closing down of the two newspapers owned by the Mirror Group of Newspapers. They were secretly taken over by the state intelligence service, Central Intelligence Organisation. The private media also experiences interference by advertising agencies and corporate houses, although the meddling is discreet and rare. The media fraternity remained divided in 2007 in terms of associations to represent the its interests. There are two associations representing the interests and welfare of journalists in the form of the Zimbabwe Union of Journalists (ZUJ) and Independent Journalists Association of Zimbabwe (IJAZ) and two editors’ forums, the Zimbabwe Association of Editors and Zimbabwe National Editors Forum (Zinef). This underlines the schism between private and public media. It can be concluded that 2007 did not offer much by way of exercising the fundamental rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly as the country’s political climate and restrictive legal environment continued to suffocate the press. So This Is Democracy? 2007 -126- Media Institute of Southern Africa