worsened by the government’s action of banning advertisments in the so-called opposition media, an act of economically suffocating critical media voices. It is in line with this that MISA took strong exception to the events in Lesotho as expressed through petitions, legal and moral support rendered to Thakalekoala. Zimbabwe: the consolidation of repression Zimbabwe remains a blighted spot on the conscience of southern Africa. Not only is the country imploding under a serious economic crisis with inflation of over 100 000 % in December 2007, but it is also reeling under repression of various forms. The arrest and beating of photojournalist Tsvangirayi Mukwazhi and journalist Gift Phiri by the police in 2007 is a story all too familiar for Zimbabwe journalists. The beating of opposition and civil society leaders in March 2007 as well as shooting to death of an unarmed demonstrator Gift Tandare by the police marked the peak of the cycle of repression by the government on its citizens. This incident prompted the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) to intervene directly in Zimbabwe calling for political dialogue. The dialogue, which was envisaged to yield positive changes to media laws, unfortunately failed. The use of repressive legislation that includes the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act 2002 (AIPPA), The Public Order and Security Act 2002 (POSA) and the Broadcasting Services Act 2001 (BSA) remains an effective tool in the hands of the government. More were added in 2007. The endorsement of the Interception of Communications Act in 2007 highlights the determination of the Zimbabwean government to maintain its tight grip on all forms of communication. The new law makes it possible for the government to intercept any communications be it Internet based, mobile or telephony, purportedly to protect ‘national interests’. In a country where journalists, the independent media and opposition voices are easily labelled as terrorists and saboteurs, one can only wonder how this law will be implemented and with what net effect on freedom of expression rights in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe is caught up in a vicious circle whose end is becoming difficult to predict. MISA, however, remains engaged on media and freedom of expression issues in Zimbabwe. The fact that no journalist is in prison attest to the work being done. Also its success in convincing African bodies such as the African Commission on Human and People Rights (ACHPR) to remain engaged in Zimbabwe brings some comfort in a seemingly hopeless situation. South Africa: a leadership lacking confidence The ruling party in South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC) is beginning to exhibit the all too familiar signs of a post-Independence nationalist party drunk with power and threatening the very freedom it fought for. South Africa and the ANC occupy a leadership position in the region, not only because of the sophisticated economy that is the heartbeat of the continent but also because of the advanced constitution that South Africans hammered out of the blood and sweat of the struggle against apartheid. All this seems to be falling apart. The struggle over the management of the public broadcaster, the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) points to an all too familiar African scenario wherein governments fail to redefine the post independence role of the media without pushing through selfish political and economic interests. While the SABC remains a much better example in many respects in comparison to the Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi and Namibian state broadcasters, the fact remains that the ANC government is too involved in the running of the SABC hence the controversy over the appointment of a new board in 2007. So This Is Democracy? 2007 -5- Media Institute of Southern Africa