T

he year 2005 was historic as it marked the end of the 15-year rule by President Sam Nujoma
and heralded a new administration under his successor, Hifikepunye Pohamba. The events
leading up to the handover of power and the performance of President Pohamba’s administration formed the substance of much of the political coverage.
Media attention focused, among others, on whether the Pohamba administration would be one
of continuity or change, and the rift within the ruling party, after sacked Trade and Industry
Minister Hidipo Hamutenya, who challenged Pohamba for the presidency, and his supporters
were sidelined by Nujoma.
Pohamba’s declaration of “zero tolerance” for corruption in his inaugural speech, raised the
question as to whether he knew of the extent to which corruption had set in during the Nujoma
administration. As it was, much of the media coverage in 2005 focused on two major corruption cases, which were exposed by the media.

Media attacks on the increase
The independent media came under fire from parliamentarians and extra-parliamentary groups
several times during the course of the year. The attacks were disconcerting as they demonstrated a lack of understanding of the role of the media in a democracy, 15 years after independence. Criticism of “white” owners bent on destabilising the government was a recurrent theme
in many of these attacks, while concerns were also raised about the media’s watchdog role and
the parliamentary privilege enjoyed by the media.
The first swipe at the media came in February when the government lashed out at what it called
“unethical, irresponsible and callous” journalistic practices. The accusation came after the
Afrikaans daily Republikein published a reader’s letter critical of Nujoma. The letter was discussed at cabinet level, demonstrating the extent of intolerance to any criticism of the founding
president.
The Swapo Party Youth League (SPYL) saw this as an opportunity to continue waging a war of
words against the independent media. SPYL Secretary Paulus Kapia accused The Namibian,
Republikein and the weekly Windhoek Observer of being “enemies of peace and security in
Namibia”. Kapia charged in his vitriolic attack that the three papers either lacked ethics or
were “deliberately fulfilling the agenda given to you by imperialists”.
Using his position as Swapo Party president, Nujoma lambasted the Republikein and the
Windhoek Observer in late November when they published stories which differed from his
version of who was responsible for the deaths of several hundred People’s Liberation Army of
Namibia (PLAN) fighters in the first nine days of 1989. His often-repeated threat to “deal
with” his adversaries came after the debate around the debacle was reopened, following the
discovery of several mass graves in northern Namibia a few months earlier.
Riding on the back of Nujoma’s attack on the three newspapers, SPYL Secretary for Information Elijah Ngurare charged in early December that press freedom abuse in Namibia had reached
intolerable levels. He also called on the government to enact laws to restrain those abusing the
freedom of the press.
Despite the fact that Article 21 (1) (a) of the Namibian constitution explicitly guarantees media
freedom, the media also came under fire from MPs in both houses of parliament.
Minister without Portfolio Ngarituke Tjiriange raised the question of whether it was appropriate for journalists to “monitor” MPs in the National Assembly in October. Swapo backbencher
Loide Kasingo supported him, saying she felt “spied” upon by journalists.
So This Is Democracy? 2005

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Media Institute of Southern Africa

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